字体 -

户口作为中国一大特色在全球也可谓独树一帜。长期困扰着广大民众,也阻碍了生产力的进步。现如今,中国政府意识到户口带来的弊端,影响了改革深化。而遗憾的是有些话让外国人给说出来了,俗话说旁观者清嘛!在最近一期的经济学家杂志上有篇文章专门介绍中国户籍制度的改革,相信這个话题会牵动所有关切這一问题的人们。为此,特别将全文试着翻成了中文,传上来同诸位分享。有两个目的,一是看看老外是如何谈论中国户口制度的,再有就是看看老外是如何写中国问题的,尤其对同学们的写作颇有益处。



Internal migration 内部人口流动

Shifting barriers 排除障碍

The government reforms a socially divisive system, warily 政府小心翼翼地开展了对社会不和谐体系的改革。

Dec 19th 2015 | BEIJING 

ss.jpg

 
THE pillars of social control are flaking at the edges. First came the relaxation in October of draconian family-planning restrictions. Now it is the turn of the household-registration, or hukou, system, which determines whether a person may enjoy subsidised public services in urban areas—rural hukou holders are excluded. On December 12th the government announced what state media trumpeted as the biggest shake-up in decades of the hukou policy, which has aggravated a huge social divide in China’s cities and curbed the free flow of labour. The pernicious impact of the system, however, will long persist.

社会控制的主体在减弱。十月份最先出现了宽松的迹象,那就是对严苛的计划生育控制放松了。如今又轮到户籍登记(或称为“户口”)制度的改革上了,户口往往对一个人来说起着决定性作用,是否有户口就意味着或许可以享受社补服务。而对持农村户口的人们除外1212号政府宣布了国家媒体喧嚣一时的就是几十年的户口政策要出现重大的变革,户籍政策加剧了中国的所有城市中原本巨大的社会分化,也阻碍了劳动力的自由流动。然而,对社会的有害冲击会是持续久远的


注解be flaking at the edges
愿意是沿着边儿上一层层剥掉。可在這里不能这么直译,不然那中文读起来会很别扭。所以,我把这句话翻成“。。。在减弱”读起来会更像中文的感觉。

As with the adjustment to the decades-old family-planning policy (now all couples will be allowed to have two children), the latest changes to the hukou system follow years of half-hearted tinkering. They will allow migrant workers to apply for special residency permits which provide some of the benefits of an urban hukou (a booklet proving household registration is pictured above). If an urban hukou is like an internal passport, the residency permit is like a green card.

随着对几十年计划生育的调整,(如今所有夫妇都允许要两个孩子)对户口制度的最新改变持续了多年都是些半遮半掩的尝试。各地区将允许外地民工申请特别居住权,因为有了居住权就可以享受只有城市户口才能享受的优惠待遇(上图的那本册子就是户口本)。如果城市户口是一本儿内部护照的话,那居住权就像那绿卡。

Under the arrangements, migrants will be able to apply for a permit if they have lived in a city for six months, and can show either an employment contract or a tenancy agreement. The document will allow access to state health care where the migrants live, and permit their children to go to local state schools up to the age of 15. It will also make other bureaucratic things easier, like buying a car. Such reforms have already been tried in some cities. They will now be rolled out nationwide.


根据规定,外来人口如果住满6个月,就可以申请居住权了。但要出示雇佣合同或租赁协议。还可以让人们享受国家给予的当地医疗保障并允许他们的孩子们就近入学,一直上到15周岁。政策还将纷繁的行政手续更加简化,就u像买车那样简单。如此改革已在一些城市里实施了。会在全国范围内铺开。

注解這里的migrants我没有把它翻成移民,因为那样翻译的味道就会太浓了。要翻成“外来人口”会更好些。

Roll out 是铺开的意思。


For those who meet the requirements, the changes will bring two main benefits. They should allow some of the 70m children who have been left behind to attend school in their native villages to join their migrant parents. And it will allow migrants to use urban services without losing the main benefit of their rural hukou: the right to farm a plot of land. According to a survey in 2010 by the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, 90% of migrants did not want to change their registration status because they feared losing this right.

对于那些达到要求的人们来说,这些变化会带来两大好处。可以允许7千万辍学的留守儿童跟随父母,再有就是允许這些外来人口在不丧失任何农村户口应有的利益前提下-是指耕种田地权-享受城市待遇。根据2010年由中国社科院进行的一项调研中获悉,90%的外来人口都不想改变他们的户籍状况,怕的就是丢掉這种权利。



Collar-colour counts

As with the two-child policy, though, there is less here than meets the eye. Most migrants are casual labourers. They rarely have any labour or tenancy contracts. The success of the reforms will also partly depend on funding. The government recently decided to tie schools’ budgets to the number of their pupils. In theory this will cover extra demand. But the system is untested.

尽管两个孩子的政策出台,但不太招人待见。大多数外来人口都是些非固定劳工,他们大都没有劳动或租赁合同。這些改革的成功将部分地取决于资金。政府最近决定把给学校的资金同学生数量挂钩。理论上讲,這会满足额外的需求,可这一套还没得到验证。

注解 :這里有一句话非常难翻“there is less there than meets the eye.”如果直译会风马牛不相及。那根据上下文我试着把这句话翻成“不招人待见”会更贴切。

Tie… to 把。。。同。。。绑在一起。這样翻译会在语气上过于生硬,所以,我把這个短语翻成了把。。。同。。。挂钩儿“会比较更符合中文的味道。

There are other catches. In cities of between 500,000 and 1m people, applicants for urban hukou will need to have contributed to the government’s social-insurance scheme for three years. In cities of 1m-5m, the minimum is five years. And the reforms do not really apply in the biggest cities. They set their own requirements.

还有一些其它的要求,在50万到100万人口的城市里,申请城市户口的人必须要向政府缴纳3年的社会保险费。在100万到500万人口的城市中,最低要求缴纳5年。這一改革并不适用于最大的那些城市,因为他们各自有自己要求。

There are similar problems with the 13m people who have no hukou at all, which means they cannot obtain the identity card needed for everything from travelling by train orplane to obtaining a passport. About 60% of such people are “black” children,as they are often called in China, born in contravention of the one-child policy. On December 9th President Xi Jinping said those without hukou could obtain one. But it is unclear what kind of hukou they will get and whether a fine will still have to be paid for violating the family-planning rules.


现在没有户口的群体有1300万都面临类似的问题,那就意味着他们无法获得身份证,没身份证就无法获得旅游乘车或乘飞机的通行证。这些群体中有60%都是“黑户口”儿童,因为他们都是违反独生子女政策的,所以在中国常被這么称呼。129日习近平主席说凡是没有户口的那些外来人口都可以得到户口,但搞不清楚是指的那种户口,也不知道违反了计划生育规定是否还会被罚

The government says it hopes 100m rural migrants (there are now about 250m of them living in urban areas) will have urban hukou by 2020. That seems unlikely. Many live in the biggest cities where, to judge by the reforms proposed by the city government of Beijing, changing status will get harder: the capital’s requirements give precedence to people who have paid 100,000 yuan($15,500) in tax a year, far more than manual labourers earn.

政府希望其中的1亿农村外来人口(现在有2亿都生活在城市)到2020年能获得城市户口。那似乎是不可能的。许多生活在大城市里的那些外来人口都要由北京市政府的改革规定来决定。改变身份会变得更难。这些大城市的要求给那些每年缴纳10万元税的人们优先权,這个数对那些体力劳动者来说可谓望成莫及

The hukou policy was introduced in the 1950s to prevent a rush of migrants that might destabilise cities. Since the 1990s, China has depended on migration to provide cheap labour for its manufacturing boom. But it still wants to control where labourers move. It worries that an unregulated flow, especially into the biggest cities, may fuel discontent among the urban middle classes who fear that public services will be swamped. The new reforms to the hukou system appear mainly designed to push migrants away from big coastal cities towards smaller ones inland. Zuo Xiuli, ahouse-cleaner who has worked in Beijing for ten years and earns 2,500 yuan a month, is not sure he will bother to apply. “Of course I hope to get a Beijing hukou,” he says. “But it’s impossible for me.”

户口政策是50年代的产物,目的是为了防止流动人口会给城市带来不安定。90年代以来为了复兴制造业,中国要指望外来人口提供廉价劳动力。但是,政府仍然需要控制外来人口的流动, 担心放纵的人口流动会引发城市中产阶层的不满,因为他们害怕公共服务会难以承受。对户口制度的改革主要是为了将集中在沿海大城市中的外来人口分散到内地更小的城市里去。一位在北京呆了10年从事房屋清洁而每月收入2500块人民币的名叫邹先生,他并不能确定非要费那劲去申请,他说,“当然我希望拿到北京户口了,可对我来说没戏“

分享博文至: