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在今天刚刚出版的“华盛顿邮报”The Washington Post 上刊登了一篇文章阐述了对薄熙来命运的关注,相信也是目前所有国人都为之关注的内容。现将全文翻译如下,供参阅 !由于时间仓促,有漏译,错译之处还望诸位谅解并欢迎指证。

在薄熙来的太太和他的贴身助手被判刑后,接下来就该轮到他了。

随着薄熙来的太太谷开来和他的贴身助手被判刑以及政治性交接还尚未明朗的情况下,薄熙来的处境仍然是个谜。

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目前身陷囹圄的薄熙来太太因谋杀罪被判了死缓。薄的前得力战将也因包庇罪和企图叛投美国罪刚刚被判了15年徒刑。接下来等待薄熙来的命运如何呢?

薄熙来作为一个知名的和有魅力的中共“太子党”去年在谋杀丑闻暴露前一直被认为是进入政治局最有竞争力的热点人物。作为曾任正在扩展的西南城市重庆市党委书记的薄从三月份以来就再也没有公开露过面。在不会惊扰薄那些铁杆儿支持者们的情况下如何处理他似乎成了中国领导人们面临的尴尬处境,因为他们试图在今年晚些时候赶在计划好的领导人换届前把这件事解决掉。

中共18大党代会要确立任命新一代领导人,也就是由习近平领导的全新政治局常委。可到目前为止还没有为这一秘密会议确定具体日期,导致许多猜疑认为中国高层领导人们就包括给薄定什么刑等一些棘手问题还未能拿出解决的方案。

据在1957年毛泽东搞的“反右” 运动中在打倒知识分子期间曾被监禁23年的一名叫刘铁的新闻记者讲“ 如果中国领导人们不把这个问题处理好,或许会威胁到党的稳定”。

他还说他相信党会选择一个温和的行政处罚,或以因为薄没能管好自己的家人和手下为理由,且在领导人换届完了后宣布这一处理结果。人们几乎都同意这一分析。

为了讲话方便,北京的一个不原透露姓名的党报编辑对本报记者说“中国领导人们都不希望薄回来事实上薄再也不会担当任何官方职位。”“如果他被开除,党就会分裂,因为共产党中很多左翼派人士仍然支持他。”

作为毛时代革命英雄薄一波的儿子薄熙来过去一直是同典型中国政客们对着干的: 他具有大多数人身上几乎丧失掉的魅力,在别人保持沉默时他却敢于进言,在别人都回避公众时他却敢于向媒体公开事实真相,在一个颂扬统一和一致的体制里他算是英勇的了。

在中国古板的共产主义官僚中薄也算是极为与众不同的了,为此他倍受欢迎。

在重庆,薄从2007年末直到他被剔出去前就一直在这座被隔离的城市担任党的领袖。薄因清除横行霸道有组织的黑帮,吸引外国投资以及为低收入家庭提供住房和为贫困学生提供学校午餐而深受尊敬。

在中国新一代“左派”知识分子中,抱怨中国不断增长的收入差距以及怀念毛时代的阶级斗争,薄于是被敬为一代英雄。他的“重庆模式”被推崇为针对中国现代化,快速致富为标榜的资本主义模式的另一种选择,在目前体制中只有为数不多的人变得非常,非常富有。他提倡的“红色文化”就是要唱革命歌曲,在地方电视台播放爱国题材的内容,他也为此受到新左派人士们的爱戴。

 

作为博客写手和新左派思想家中最为知名人士之一的司马南说。“中国左派份子们发现薄的许多政策都同他们的想法不谋而合,所以这些左派人士们把薄熙来视为他们的精神领袖。

薄自从被罢免以来唯一让世人了解到的就是在四月份同他家人进行的联络,亲手用毛笔写给他丈母娘范承秀一封感人的信。根据一位看过这封信的家人讲薄在信中说他希望利用等候他本人问题得到解决期间能安心地读些书。

薄描绘他的妻子谷开来为他一生中最重要的人,还有他的丈母娘范承秀对他如亲生母亲一样因为在文化大革命期间薄熙来的亲妈被整死。

谷在今年八月份已经就她毒死英国商人海伍德一事认罪,她同海伍德因生意上的纠纷闹翻,恐威胁到他们儿子的安全为由为自己辩解。薄一度铁杆儿的助手警察局长王立军也以帮助谷掩盖罪证和怕危机自己生命而在今年二月份企图向美国住成都领事馆提供相关证据为由被判了15年监禁,因为牵扯到谷所以王立军获刑较轻。王立军的律师说他不会上诉了。

可分开审判的谷,王和另外4个未公开受审的警官为人们留下了未曾回答的关键问题就是对于谋杀事件薄熙来知道些什么以及什么时候知道的。四月份薄熙来就被政治局和党中央停职了,可从来就没对他进行任何犯罪指控。

据说他被连续换了好几个住处,有说在河北省,内蒙和北京远郊某处政府居民大院里,可那些消息都不可靠,都没有得到证实。

看过他写给丈母娘那封信的家人拒绝在讨论此事上透露姓名,说薄熙来强调他对共产党理想的承诺。

他的家人讲“薄熙来真的信仰毛泽东”“他扎根于毛泽东思想中,人们完全可以在他的价值观,人生目标以及人生追求中感受得到。”

Bo Xilai awaits his fate after sentencing of wife and top aide

BEIJING — His wife is in jail on a murder conviction with a suspended death sentence. His former right-hand man was just sentenced to 15 years in prison for covering up the crime and then trying to defect to (叛逃投降) the United States.

Somewhere, Bo Xilai awaits his fate.

A popular and charismatic Communist Party “princeling” — considered a contender for a top spot in a revamped Politburo until the murder scandal erupted last year — Bo has not been seen publicly since he was fired in March as party chief for the sprawling 不规则地伸展的 southwestern city of Chongqing.

How to handle Bo without upsetting his hard-core supporters seems to be the dilemma facing China’s leaders as they try to resolve the case before a planned leadership transition later this year.

The Communist Party’s 18th Party Congress is set to inaugurate a new generation of leaders, led by Xi Jinping and an almost entirely new Politburo Standing Committee. But no date has been set for the conclave, leading many here to speculate that the top leaders have not resolved some thorny issues, including the question of what punishment, if any, will be handed to Bo.

“If they don’t handle this problem well, it might threaten the stability of the party,” said Tie Liu, a journalist who spent 23 years in a labor camp during Mao Zedong’s “anti-rightist” campaign launched against intellectuals in 1957.

He said he believed the party would opt for a mild administrative punishment, perhaps penalizing Bo for failing to properly supervise his family members and subordinates, and would announce it after the leadership transition. Others agreed with that analysis.

“They just don’t want him to return. . . . He’ll no longer be able to hold any official position,” said the editor of a Communist Party newspaper in Beijing who spoke on the condition of anonymity in order to speak more freely. “If he’s expelled, the party would split, because many leftists in the party still support him.”

Bo, the son of Mao-era revolutionary hero Bo Yibo, was the antithesis of the typical Chinese politician: charismatic where most are bland, outspoken when others are reticent, open to the media when most eschew publicity, and bold in a system that prizes uniformity and consensus.

Bo is also something else highly unusual in China’s staid communist bureaucracy. He is popular.

In Chongqing, the isolated city where he served as party chief from late 2007 until his ouster, Bo is well-regarded for clearing out the organized gangsters who held sway, attracting foreign investment and providing low-income housing and school lunches to the poor.

Among China’s “new left” intellectuals, disgruntled over China’s growing income disparity and nostalgic for 对。。。怀念 Mao-era class warfare, Bo was revered as something of a hero. His “Chongqing model,” as it was called, was held up as an alternative to China’s modern, get-rich-quick brand of capitalism, in which a very few have become very, very wealthy. His advocacy of “red culture” — singing revolutionary songs, playing patriotic broadcasts on the local television station — also endeared him to the new leftists.

“Chinese leftists find that many of Bo’s policies are similar to their ideas,” said Sima Nan, a blogger and one of the best known of the new left thinkers. “So they regard Bo Xilai as their spirit leader.”

Bo’s only known communication with his family since his ouster was an emotional letter sent in April to his mother-in-law, Fan Chengxiu, written with a traditional Chinese brush. Bo said he hoped to quietly read books while waiting for his case to be resolved, according to a family associate who saw the letter.

Bo described his wife, Gu Kailai, as the most important person in his life, followed by Fan, who became like a mother to him because his mother died during the Cultural Revolution, the associate said.

Gu was convicted in August of poisoning a British businessman, Neil Heywood, whom she thought threatened their son after a business dispute. Bo’s onetime top aide and police chief, Wang Lijun, was tried for helping Gu cover up the crime and then taking the evidence to the U.S. Consulate in Chengdu in February when he feared for his life. Wang on Monday was sentenced to 15 years in prison, a relatively light sentence because Wang cooperated in implicating Gu. Wang’s attorney said he would not appeal.

But the separate trials of Gu, Wang and four other police officers charged in the coverup left unanswered the crucial question of what Bo knew about the murder and when he knew it. Bo in April was stripped of his positions in the Politburo and the Party Central Committee, but he has not been charged with any crime.

He is thought to have been moved several times among government residences in Hebei province, Inner Mongolia and the outer suburbs of Beijing. Those reports could not be independently confirmed.

The family associate, who saw the letter Bo wrote to his mother-in-law but refused to be identified by name in discussing it, said Bo reiterated his commitment to Communist Party ideals.

“Bo Xilai really believes in Chairman Mao,” the family intimate said. “He was rooted in Mao Zedong’s thoughts, which can be found everywhere in his values, life goals and his pursuits.”

 

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