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在本月30 号(也是我的生日)出版的经济学家杂志上刊登了一篇题目为“ 不一般的周永康”文章写作手法精湛,用词奇妙,堪称英文写作的佳作。想必对那些苦于无思绪如何入手英文写作的朋友们读后大有益处,为了帮助大家更好地理解 原文,特别将全文翻译成中文,供朋友们对照参阅之用。本人才疏学浅,如有疏忽错译之处还望诸位谅解并指正。

Chinese politics 中国的政局

No ordinary Zhou 不一般的周永康

Jul 30th 2014, 13:36 by G.E. | BEIJING

Zhou has left and gone away 周永康已经离去,从此永远消失了。

SINCE President Xi Jinping launched his anti-corruption campaign at the end of 2012,the question has been how high he would aim. On July 29th an emphatic answer came with the news that Zhou Yongkang (pictured) was under investigation by the Communist Party for “serious violations of discipline”—for which, read corruption.

自国家主席习近平于2012年底发起的反贪运动以来,人们一直关注的问题是他会把矛头指向多高。7月29日一个最为显著的答案伴随着一条消息出现了那就是周永康因涉嫌 “严重违纪”已受到中共的调查。所谓“严重违纪”解读起来就是贪污。


Mr Zhou was once one of the most feared and powerful men in the land. Until two years ago he was a member of the Politburo’s ruling standing committee; in charge of the state’s vast security apparatus, he controlled a budget bigger than the one publicly declared by the army. It has long been an unwritten rule of China’s power politics that men of Mr Zhou’s stature were inviolable. In flouting the rule, Mr Xi has left no doubt about the authority he believes henow wields: he appears to be the most powerful Chinese leader since the late Deng Xiaoping.

直到两年前周永康成为了中央政治局常委一员负责国家安全,他在中国的这片土地上恐怕是最强势、最令人畏惧的人物之一了。他控制使用的资金之大远远超过由军队 公开宣布的数目。周永康的地位无人敢撼动,在中国强大的政治势力中已经成为了不成文的规矩,也算由来已久了。而习先生不管那套,偏要捅這个马蜂窝,他认为 该是他行驶自己手中权力的时候了,习近平显现出自已故邓小平以来最为强势的一代中国领导人。


Mr Zhou first appeared in trouble with the purge in 2012 of Chongqing party secretary BoXilai. Mr Bo had been thought eager to challenge Mr Xi’s ascent to the presidency, and Mr Zhou was a close ally who argued against Mr Bo’s downfall. It led to a rare serious split in China’s highest leadership.

周先生显然因同2012年落马的重庆党委书记薄熙来有瓜葛而惹上麻烦。薄先生一直以来就被认为极力想挑战习近平成为中国的国家主席。周先生是最反对薄先生下台的,从而还引发了中共最高领导层出现罕见的分歧。


Mr Zhou sat atop a network of patronage that ran through the police state and the oil-and-gas industry (through which he himself had risen). In recent months protégés have been rounded up for graft, including Jiang Jiemin, once head of Petro China and, briefly last year, of the government body overseeing state-owned assets. And on July 29th reports surfaced of the arrest of Mr Zhou’s businessman son, Zhou Bin, also with interests in energy. The speculation is that family assets run into billions of dollars. But whether Mr Zhou and his clan are much more corrupt than the families of many other senior leaders is moot. His chief sin appears to have been, as with Mr Bo, seeking to amass so much power that he threatened a system of collective leadership that depends precariously on balancing different factions and interests.

在這个警察国家和一手由他创立起来的石油天然气工业中贯穿着一个生杀予夺权力网中,周先生可谓高居魁首之位。最近数月一大批显耀政客们落马,這其中包括曾任中石化以及政府监察国有资产机构的头头脑脑们,也包括江泽民在内因贪污受贿备受困扰。7 月29日有报道说周先生经商的儿子周斌也因涉嫌能源利益被逮捕了,涉嫌金额高达数百亿美元。但是周先生和他的利益集团所贪的是否超过其它许多长老级领导人家族所为本身意义不大了。他的主要罪名就定在了同薄先生一起共谋篡权,他威胁到了這个依附权衡不同派系和利益的领导体制。這个体制本身其实是靠不住的。


Still,Mr Xi and his able sideman, Wang Qishan, who runs the anti-corruption campaign,appear deadly serious about graft. In the first five months of this year, the party says, nearly 63,000 officials have been punished. The total for last year exceeded 180,000. Included in the haul are three-dozen ministers, provincial leaders or top executives at state-owned  companies.Some officials under suspicion were reported to have committed suicide. Mr Xi and Mr Wang appear to believe that corruption—or bald obstructionism—frustrates ambitious economic proposals unveiled late last year, including reforms to make state-owned enterprises—energy companies among them—perform much better. They are out to smash the interests resisting reform. But the two men also seem to think that graft provides an existential threat to the Communist Party’s rule.And they are probably right. Ordinary people are disgusted with party corruption, and going after corrupt “tigers” underpins Mr Xi’s popularity, such as it can be measured. On July 30th the People’s Daily,the party’s mouthpiece, said the party is serious about purifying the ranks. No one is safe from scrutiny.

尽管如此,习先生和他的得利干将王岐山发起的这场反腐运动显然就是为了严肃惩治腐败。据中共讲今年最初5 个月就有近63万官员受到法办。远远超过去年的18万。這其中包括36名部长,省长以及国有企业公司的高级执行官员们。有些受怀疑的官员在审查期间自杀身亡。习先生和王先生显然相信腐败或许明摆着成为影响了去年晚些时候颁布的雄心勃勃经济计划实施的最大障碍,包括对国有企业的改革,特别是对能源公司,让其运作更加有效。他们出手粉碎了阻碍改革的利益集团。同时,两个人也认为腐败也会成为对现行中共统治的最大威胁。由此看来他们或许是对的。普通百姓对腐败深恶痛绝,反腐“打老虎”后习先生在民众中的威望大涨。党的喉舌人民日报7月30日发表文章讲党在惩治腐败上是严肃的,任何人都不会漏网。


For now, the initiative is with Mr Xi and his allies. Mr Zhou’s downfall carries elements of a good old-fashioned purge in which rivals are eliminated and power is consolidated. Optimists hope Mr Xi will use his power to push on with ambitious economic and social reforms. This week the party also announced that it would convene a major meeting in October to discuss the rule of law, an area that was once Mr Zhou’s to define and control.

目前成为了习先生和他的支持者们的动力。周先生的落马传承着一种正的传统模式的净化因素在其中,即对手被铲除,权力得到了巩固。乐观派人士们希望习先生能用他手中的权利推动雄心勃勃的经济和社会改革向前迈进。本周,共产党也宣布要在10月份召开重要会议商讨曾一度被周先生制定和控制的法律法规。


Yet caveats attend Mr Xi’s strategy. One is that this anti-corruption drive, which has been more severe, far-reaching and persistent than any other, has sent such a chill through the governing apparatus that demoralised officials are loth to act on any policy or project without clear direction from above. Officials fear being targeted next—gift-giving lies at the heart of how businessmen get contracts and how officials are promoted. The drive is being felt not only in suddenly reduced spending on lavish entertaining and new property projects. It also risks the execution of the very reforms for which Mr Xi and Mr Wang are supposed to be clearing the way.

然而,习先生的战略也伴随着一些警醒人们的不利因素。一方面是这场反腐运动更为迅猛,旷日持久度已算是前所未有了。威严贯穿了国家统治的方方面面,会让那些 丧失信心的官员们在没有接到上级明确指示的情况下联手抵触政策或行动的实施,因为官员们害怕会成为下一个目标,所以在同商人们签合同以及关于提升下属方面 一直出现的送礼问题如何处理拿不定主意。这场运动不仅大幅度削减了官员们铺张奢华的开支以及新建房产项目的开发,也为习先生和王先生很好地执行改革方针本 应扫清的道路上平添了风险。


The second caveat follows from the first: there are risks in taking down too many tigers. Ordinary Chinese may begin to understand how truly rotten the system is, while other senior leaders will think they are next. Should that happen the party’s famed unity could be in trouble as others challenge Mr Xi’s authority—the opposite of what he intends. At some point, then, he and Mr Wang must find a way to bring the anti-corruption juggernaut to a halt. For now it is careering along.

紧随其后的第二个不利的因素是让更多老虎落马有风险。普通百姓们或许开始明白过来這个体制烂到了何等地步,而其他的那些资深领导人们会认为下一个或许就是他们自己。如果真会发生,整个党的框架就会有麻烦因为其它的领导人们就会对习先生的权威进行发难,会与他们原先打算要做的产生相反的效果。从某种程度上来说,目前一切在顺利进行,然而,他和王先生应该设法寻求一种方法为反贪所产生的巨大反作用力刹刹车。

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